cropped-dokument-1-seite0015.jpgWorld Perspectives 2017: VI. The Reactionary Offensive of the Ruling Class and the Resistance in Latin America


  1. Trump’s policy of anti-immigration chauvinism and protectionism will also have dramatic consequences for semi-colonial countries, in particular for Latin America. His plans for mass deportation of undocumented migrants, the strengthening of the migration control policy and the extension and expanding of a wall along the southern US border with Mexico, [1] and the renegotiation or even abolition of NAFTA will affect these countries in several ways.


  1. Firstly, such steps will result in massive loss of remittances sent by migrants to their families in their countries of origin. In 2013, for example, migrants from Mexico in the US sent more than $23 billion to their families at home. Secondly, mass deportations of migrants back to Mexico will create additional burdens on that country, as these millions of people will have to be looked after by the Mexican state. It will also affect other Latin American countries, as the Mexican government will use the forced return of its own citizens as an excuse to deport migrants from other countries who have settled in Mexico itself.


  1. Regardless of whether Trump abolishes or renegotiates NAFTA, the terms of trade for Mexico in relation to the US will certainly worsen. Unsurprisingly, Trump’s victory has already led to a substantial devaluation of the Mexican peso. In addition, Trump´s victory is likely to politically damage the conservative Mexican government of Enrique Peña Nieto. Peña already welcomed Trump in September, during the election campaign, which infuriated many people in his country. The PRI government has already become unpopular and his sympathies for Trump will only increase this.


  1. It is crucial to defend the rights of migrants – both of the Latinos in the US as well as of the Central American migrants living in Mexico. Revolutionaries have to organize the struggle on both sides of the border in order to smash the wall, and to cancel the NAFTA along with other imperialist trades and security projects (ASPAN, Plan Mérida). They should work to forge close links between the workers and oppressed from both Mexico and the US. One opportunity for this in the near future will be the organization of coordinated mass protests against the inauguration of Trump on 20th


  1. The coup d’état against Brazil’s popular front government of Dilma Rousseff and the establishment of the Temer government reflected an advance of the reactionary right-wing forces. The Temer government has already announced a number of outright reactionary attacks on the workers and oppressed – including attacks involving austerity measures and against labor rights, education and democratic rights. However, the hard-line conservative forces – extending from the PSDB to outright fascist forces – are not satisfied with these measures and are determined to go further.


  1. At the same time there have been a number of mass protests against the Temer government. All this gives the government a rather weak and instable character as it is attacked both from the left as well as from the right. Revolutionaries in Brazil should mobilize for an unlimited general strike against the pro-austerity policies of the putschist regime. They should call for the setting up of action committees in factories, unions, neighborhoods, slums and outlying regions. The struggle to defend democratic rights should include the convocation of a national constituent assembly and – as the overriding task – the formation of a workers’ government in alliance with the peasants, urban poor and landless.


  1. The continental ascent of reactionary forces also has led to an acceleration of the offensive of the right-wing opposition alliance, MUD, against the Maduro government in Venezuela. There can be no doubt that, should MUD come to power, they will launch a counterrevolutionary offensive aiming to liquidate all the, albeit limited, social and democratic reforms that have been achieved since 1999. However, revolutionaries point out that the bourgeois-populist government of Chavez and, since his death, Maduro himself, has always worked to maintain capitalist property relations in the country. Furthermore, Maduro’s government is constantly looking for compromises with the right-wing opposition instead of taking serious steps in the interest of the working class.


  1. The strategic task in all these countries is to break up the popular fronts which bind trade unions, other workers organizations, as well as organizations of the poor peasants, to petty-bourgeois or outright bourgeois forces. (e.g., the alliance of the PT, CUT and MST with the PMDB in Brazil, the alliance of UNT and other mass organizations with the Chavista PSUV, MORENA in Mexico, the alliance of the trade unions with the Kirchnerist party in Argentina, etc.). Applying the united front tactic to these mass organizations in the struggle against the reactionary offensive of the right wing forces and for social and democratic reforms, revolutionaries call upon them, as well as upon all other progressive mass organizations, to fight for an independent Workers’ Party which would organize an energetic struggle in defense of the popular masses and against the bourgeoisie. We militants of the RCIT would propose a revolutionary program of action based on the transitional method for such a party, however, without making its adoption as a precondition for our participation.


  1. The death of Fidel Castro represents the symbolic end of a period in Cuba’s modern history. However, contrary to the Stalinist song of praises for Castro’s regime, Marxists strictly distinguish wo things: On the one hand, our appreciation of the Cuban Revolution in the late 1950s and early 1960s and the social and economic gains of the Revolution and, it follows, our unconditional defense of the country against sanctions and the aggression of US imperialism; on the other hand, Marxists opposed the Stalinist regime and stood for a political revolution by the working class. Furthermore, revolutionaries also recognize that, in the past years, the regime led the country towards the restoration of capitalism – a process which went hand in hand with the advance of Chinese capital in Cuba, as well as the reconciliation process between Havana and Washington. [2]


  1. In Columbia President Juan Manuel Santos finally succeeded in signing a peace agreement with the petty-bourgeois guerilla movement FARC. The agreement was initially rejected in a referendum because of the resistance of the ultra right-wing conservative forces around former president Uribe. Marxists have always criticized the guerilla strategy as advocated by FARC or similar, petty-bourgeois nationalist rebel movements like the EPL. This strategy has always constituted a dead-end as it isolates militant fighters from the working class and the rural poor. Despite this criticism, revolutionaries have always supported guerillas in any conflict with the army and the right-wing death squads. The peace agreement cannot be supported by revolutionaries, as it effectively means the incorporation of the FARC leaders into the bourgeois-parliamentary system, the disarmament of the militants, and most likely a weakening of the forces fighting for the interests of the working class and poor peasants. This was so in the case of similar “peace processes” like that in El Salvador.


  1. One of the most encouraging recent phenomena in several Latin America countries has been the mass demonstrations against violence against women. On the backdrop of a series of rapes and murders of women (feminicide) – in Mexico 6 women are killed every day! – a mass movement recently emerged under the slogans “Ni Una Menos” and “Ni una muerta más” (“Not one more female death”). This has resulted in huge marches of hundreds of thousands of women (and men supporting the cause) in Argentina as well as Mexico, Peru, El Salvador, Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay. Revolutionaries unconditionally support these mass movements. They denounce the governments’ attempts to control and incorporate them. Contrary to the perspective of petty-bourgeois feminists, who currently dominate these movements, revolutionaries advocate the construction of a revolutionary working class women’s movement and of self-defense units dominated and controlled by women. Instead of trusting the system of bourgeois state justice, revolutionaries advocate the formation of workers’ tribunals which should be nominated by the workers’ movement, and especially by the proletarian women’s movement. [3]


[1] To be precise, there has for a long time already been a wall along the US-Mexican border to prevent Mexican migrants from entering their northern neighbor. However, Trump wants to build an even bigger wall.

[2] See our book by Michael Pröbsting: Cuba’s Revolution Sold Out? The Road from Revolution to the Restoration of Capitalism, RCIT 2013,

[3] See on this the chapter on Latin America in our resolution Sisters – Let Us become Heroines of the Liberation Struggle of Our Gender, as Well as of All Oppressed! This resolution was adopted at the First World Congress of the RCIT in October 2016 and will be publish soon.



About RCIT Britain

What the RCIT stands for Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT) The Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT)is a revolutionary combat organisation fighting for the liberation of the working class and all oppressed. It has national sections in a number of countries. The working class is composed of all those (and their families) who are forced to sell their labor power as wage earners to the capitalists. The RCIT stands on the theory and practice of the revolutionary workers’ movement associated with the names of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Trotsky. Capitalism endangers our lives and the future of humanity. Unemployment, war, environmental disasters, hunger, and exploitation are all part of everyday life under capitalism as are the imperialistic oppression of nations, the national oppression of migrants, and the oppression of women, young people, and homosexuals. Therefore, we want to eliminate capitalism. The liberation of the working class and all oppressed is possible only in a classless society without exploitation and oppression. Such a society can only be established internationally. Therefore, the RCIT is fighting for a socialist revolution at home and around the world. This revolution must be carried out and lead by the working class, for only this class has the collective power to bring down the ruling class and build a socialist society. The revolution cannot proceed peacefully because a ruling class never has nor ever will voluntarily surrender its power. By necessity, therefore, the road to liberation includes armed rebellion and civil war against the capitalists. The RCIT is fighting for the establishment of workers’ and peasants’ republics, where the oppressed organize themselves in councils democratically elected in rank-and-file meetings in factories, neighbourhoods, and schools. These councils, in turn, elect and control the government and all other statue authorities, and always retain the right to recall them. Authentic socialism and communism have nothing to do with the so-called “socialism” that ruled in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and which continues to do so in China and Cuba, for example. In these countries, the proletariat was and is dominated and oppressed by a privileged party bureaucracy. Under capitalism, the RCIT supports all efforts to improve the living conditions of the workers and oppressed, while simultaneously striving to overthrow this system based on economic exploitation of the masses. Towards these ends, we work from within the trade unions where we advocate class struggle, socialism, and workers’ democracy. But trade unions and social democracy are controlled by a bureaucracy perniciously connected with the state and capital via status, high-paying jobs, and other privileges. Thus, the trade union bureaucracy is far from the interests and living conditions of its members, based as it is on the top, privileged layers of the working class – a labor aristocracy which has no real interest in replacing capitalism. Therefore, the true struggle for the liberation of the working class, the toppling of capitalism and the establishment of socialism, must be based on the broad mass of the proletariat rather than their “representative” from the upper trade union strata. We also fight for the expropriation of the big land owners as well as for the nationalisation of the land and its distribution to the poor and landless peasants. Towards this goal we struggle for the independent organisation of the rural workers. We support national liberation movements against oppression. We also support the anti-imperialist struggles of oppressed peoples against the great powers. Within these movements we advocate a revolutionary leadership as an alternative to nationalist or reformist forces. While the RCIT strives for unity of action with other organizations, we are acutely aware that the policies of social democrats and pseudo-revolutionary groups are dangerous, and ultimately represent an obstacle to the emancipation of the working class, peasants, and the otherwise oppressed. In wars between imperialist states we take a revolutionary defeatist position: we do not support either side, but rather advocate the transformation of the war into a civil war against the ruling class in each of the warring states. In wars between imperialist powers (or their stooges) and a semi-colonial countries we stand for the defeat of the former and the victory of the oppressed countries. As communists, we maintain that the struggle against national oppression and all types of social oppression (women, youth, sexual minorities etc.) must be lead by the working class, because only the latter is capable of fomenting a revolutionarily change in society . Therefore, we consistently support working class-based revolutionary movements of the socially oppressed, while opposing the leadership of petty-bourgeois forces (feminism, nationalism, Islamism, etc.), who ultimately dance to the tune of the capitalists, and strive to replace them with revolutionary communist leadership. Only with a revolutionary party fighting as its leadership can the working class be victorious in its struggle for liberation. The establishment of such a party and the execution of a successful revolution, as it was demonstrated by the Bolsheviks in Russia under Lenin and Trotsky remain the models for revolutionary parties and revolutions in the 21st century. For new, revolutionary workers' parties in all countries! For a 5th Workers International to be founded on a revolutionary program! Join the RCIT! No future without socialism! No socialism without revolution! No revolution without a revolutionary party!
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